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they paid for his education

  • 1 education

    noun (instruction and teaching, especially of children and young people in schools, universities etc: His lack of education prevented him from getting a good job.) educación
    education n enseñanza / educación
    tr[edjʊ'keɪʃən]
    1 (system of teaching) educación nombre femenino, enseñanza
    2 (training) formación nombre femenino, preparación nombre femenino, instrucción nombre femenino
    5 (knowledge, culture) cultura
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    Minister of Education Ministro,-a de Educación
    Ministry of Education and Science Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia
    education [.ɛʤə'keɪʃən] n
    : educación f
    n.
    • crianza s.f.
    • cultura s.f.
    • discipulado s.m.
    • educación (Enseñanza) s.f.
    • educción s.f.
    • enseñanza s.f.
    • formación s.f.
    • instrucción s.f.
    'edʒə'keɪʃən, ˌedjʊ'keɪʃən
    1) (schooling, instruction) educación f

    primary/higher education — enseñanza f primaria/superior

    he didn't have a university education — no tuvo or (frml) no cursó estudios universitarios

    health education — clases fpl de higiene; (before n) <system, policy> educativo

    2) u ( academic subject) pedagogía f, (teoría f de la) educación f
    3) u (knowledge, culture) cultura f
    [ˌedjʊ'keɪʃǝn]
    1.
    N educación f, formación f ; (=teaching) enseñanza f ; (=knowledge, culture) cultura f ; (=studies) estudios mpl ; (=training) formación f ; (Univ) (=subject) pedagogía f

    Ministry of Education — Ministerio m or (LAm) Secretaría f de Educación

    primary/secondary education — enseñanza f primaria/secundaria, primera/segunda enseñanza f

    higher education — educación f superior, enseñanza f superior

    physical/political education — educación f física/política

    literary/professional education — formación f literaria/profesional

    2.
    CPD

    education authority N — (Brit) ≈ delegación f de educación, ≈ consejería f de educación (Sp)

    education department N — (Brit) [of local authority] ≈ departamento m de educación; (=ministry) Ministerio m de Educación

    * * *
    ['edʒə'keɪʃən, ˌedjʊ'keɪʃən]
    1) (schooling, instruction) educación f

    primary/higher education — enseñanza f primaria/superior

    he didn't have a university education — no tuvo or (frml) no cursó estudios universitarios

    health education — clases fpl de higiene; (before n) <system, policy> educativo

    2) u ( academic subject) pedagogía f, (teoría f de la) educación f
    3) u (knowledge, culture) cultura f

    English-spanish dictionary > education

  • 2 pay

    1. I
    1) he owes it and must pay он должен /задолжал/ и обязан заплатить; who is paying? кто платит?
    2) this work (the business, the shop, farming, this enterprise, etc.) pays (does not pay) эта работа и т.д. (не) окупается / (не) оправдывает себя/; how to make business pay? как сделать предприятие рентабельным?
    2. II
    1) pay in some manner pay willingly (reluctantly, grudgingly, handsomely, inadequately, punctually, etc.) платить /выплачивать/ охотно и т.д.; pay monthly (annually, etc.) платить /выплачивать/ ежемесячно и т.д.; pay at some time I shall pay soon (at once, next week, etc.) я скоро и т.д. заплачу
    2) pay in some manner this work pays well эта работа выгодна; the mine is paying fairly well эта выработка приносит довольно хороший доход
    3. III
    1) pay smb., smth. pay the dressmaker (the tailor, the workmen, a teacher, the electric light company, etc.) платить портнихе и т.д., расплачиваться с портнихой и т.д.; pay the money (the deposit of t 10, the monthly rent, etc.) платить деньги и т.д.; pay an account (a bill) заплатить по счету, расплатиться; pay one's dues внести взносы; pay debts выплачивать долги; pay one's passage (one's bus fare, etc.) платить за проезд и т.д., оплачивать проезд и т.д.; pay one's college вносить плату за обучение в колледже; pay wages платить /выплачивать/ зарплату; pay a subscription уплатить за подписку; I had to pay an extra five roubles мне надо было доплатить пять рублей; pay damages оплачивать /возмещать/ убытки
    2) pay smb., smth. the job does not pay me эта работа невыгодна; the stock pays 4 per cent эти акции дают /приносят/ четыре процента прибыли
    4. IV
    pay smb. in some manner pay smb. liberally (handsomely, meagerly, grudgingly, etc.) платить кому-л. /расплачиваться с кем-л./ щедро и т.д.; pay smth. in some manner pay smth. promptly (partially, grudgingly, etc.) платить /выплачивать/ что-л. аккуратно и т.д.; pay smb., smth. at some time pay smb. at once немедленно /тут же, сразу же/ заплатить кому-л. /расплатиться с кем-л./; he hasn't paid the doctor yet он еще не заплатил врачу /не расплатился с врачом/
    5. V
    pay smb. smth. pay smb. the money one owes заплатить кому-л. долг; pay me the money you owe me верни мне долг /деньги, которые ты должен/; pay smb. an annuity выплачивать кому-л. ренту
    6. VII
    pay smb. to do smth. I pay smb. to mow the lawn (to dig a hole, to baby-sit, etc.) платить кому-л., чтобы он постриг газон и т.д.; they paid him ten pounds to hold his tongue ему заплатили десять фунтов, чтобы он держал язык за зубами; you could not pay me to do that я не сделаю этого ни за какие деньги
    2)
    it would not pay me to take that job мне не стоит /не имеет смысла/ брать эту работу; it would pay you to be more careful вам не мешало бы быть поосторожнее; does it pay them to employ such a large stuff? выгодно ли им иметь такой большой штат?
    7. XI
    be paid in some manner he was amply (fabulously) paid ему хорошо (баснословно много) платили; they are generally paid by the distance and not by the time им обычно платят за пройденное расстояние, а не за время; get paid at some time when do you get paid? когда вы получаете зарплату?, когда у вас получка?; get paid for doing smth. do you get paid for baby-sitting? вам платят за то, что вы сидите с ребенком?; be paid at some time we are paid on Fridays мы получаем зарплату по пятницам; when are we going to be paid? когда с нами будут рассчитываться /нам заплатят/?; my subscription is paid to January у меня подписка оплачена до января; freight to be paid before departure [груз] к оплате до отправки (надпись); be paid for the work has been paid for работа уже оплачена; he dislikes to be invited and paid for он терпеть не может, когда его приглашают и за него платят
    8. XIII
    it pays to do smth. it pays to buy good things есть смысл /стоит/ покупать хорошие вещи; it pays to advertize реклама себя оправдывает; it pays to be polite вежливость окупается сторицей; it does not pay to spend too much money on this work не стоит тратить слишком много денег на эту работу; it doesn't pay to get angry злиться не стоит
    9. XVI
    pay for smth. pay for the house (for the car, for smb.'s services, for the damage, for the loss, for smb.'s education /schooling/, for board, for a year's subscription, etc.) платить /вносить плату/ за дом и т.д.; he is not paying well for our labour он мало платит за ваш труд; we are paying for the room by the day мы оплачиваем комнату посуточно /поденно/;for one's mistakes (for one's folly, for one's sins, for one's cruelty, for one's idleness, for one's inexperience, etc.) расплачиваться за свои ошибки и т.д.; pay dearly for what one has done дорого заплатить за то, что сделал; he paid for it with his life он поплатился /заплатил/ за это своей жизнью; he paid for his negligence by losing bis situation он потерял работу из-за своей халатности; I'll make him pay for this! он у меня еще за это поплатится!; pay for smb. I shall pay for you я за вас заплачу /расплачусь/; she always pays for herself она всегда платит сама за себя; pay in /by, into/ smth. pay in cash (in ready money, in silver, in kind, etc.) заплатить наличными и т.д.; pay in full (in part) расплачиваться полностью (по частям); you can pay in /by/ instalments вы можете платить /выплачивать/ частями /в рассрочку/; pay in advance заплатить /оплатить/ вперед, заплатить /расплатиться/ заблаговременно; pay into smb.'s account внести деньги на чей-л. счет; pay by cheque оплатить чеком; pay out of smth. pay out of one's own pocket (out of public money, out of the fund, etc.) платить /расплачиваться/ из собственного кармана и т.д.; pay by smth. pay by the hour платить за каждый час, выплачивать почасовые; pay by the year платить [один] раз в год; they pay by the distance (by the time) они платят в зависимости от [пройденного] расстояния (в соответствии с затраченным временем); pay at /in/ smth. pay at the gate (at the turnstile, in the doorway, etc.) платить у ворот и т.д.; pay on smth. pay on delivery оплатить при доставке
    10. XVIII
    pay for oneself pay for itself окупаться, оправдывать расходы; this machine will pay for itself soon эта машина очень скоро себя окупит /окупится/
    11. XXI1
    pay smth. for smth. pay a hundred guineas (a lot of money, extra money, too much, etc.) for smth. платить сто гиней и т.д. за что-л.; how much did you pay for your car (for that book, etc.)? сколько вы заплатили за свою машину и т.д.? pay smth. on smth. pay customs duties on imported articles платить пошлину на ввозимые товары; pay interest on public loans платить проценты по займам; pay smth. into smth. pay money into the bank (a sum into your account, taxes into the treasury, etc.) вносить деньги в банк и т.д.; pay smth. with smth. pay a debt with interest вернуть долг с процентами; pay kindness with evil платить злом за добро; pay smth. in smth. pay part of the sum in cash (the rest of the debt in bills, one's debts in four instalments, etc.) заплатить /выплатить/ часть суммы наличными и т.д.; pay smb. in smth. pay smb. in his own coin отплатить кому-л. той же монетой; pay smb. in full полностью расплатиться с кем-л.; pay smb. by smth. pay smb. by the time (by the year, by the hour, etc.) платить кому-л. в зависимости от затраченного времени и т.д.; pay smb., smth. for smth. pay smb. for the work (for his services, for the car, for the painting, etc..) платить кому-л. за работу и т.д.; pay the teacher five dollars for a lesson платить учителю пять долларов за урок; pay smb. for the trouble (for the insults, etc.) отплачивать кому-л. за причиненное беспокойство и т.д.; pay smth. to smb. pay interest to a creditor платить кредитору проценты; pay smth. for smb. he paid five dollars for me он заплатил за меня пять долларов; he paid my debts for me он выплатил мои долги; pay smb. out of smth. pay smb. out of the town funds (out of the public money, out of one's own pocket, etc.) платить кому-л. из городских фондов и т.д. || pay one's respects to smb. засвидетельствовать свое почтение кому-л.; pay a call on smb. наносить визит кому-л.; pay a visit to smb. посещать кого-л.
    12. XXIV1 13. XXV
    pay as... (when..., etc.) pay as (when) you go in платить при входе

    English-Russian dictionary of verb phrases > pay

  • 3 paga

    Del verbo pagar: ( conjugate pagar) \ \
    paga es: \ \
    3ª persona singular (él/ella/usted) presente indicativo
    2ª persona singular (tú) imperativo
    Multiple Entries: paga     pagar
    paga sustantivo femenino
    b) ( sueldo) pay;
    paga extra or extraordinaria extra month's salary gen paid twice a year
    pagar ( conjugate pagar) verbo transitivo
    a) ( abonar) ‹cuenta/alquiler› to pay;
    ‹ deuda› to pay (off), repay; ‹comida/entradas/mercancías› to pay for;
    ◊ ¿cuánto pagas de alquiler? how much rent do you pay?;
    le pagan los estudios they are paying for his education; no puedo paga tanto I can't afford (to pay) that much; paga algo POR algo to pay sth for sth
    b) ‹favor/desvelos› to repay
    c) ( expiar) ‹delito/atrevimiento› to pay for;
    paga algo CON algo to pay for sth with sth;
    ◊ ¡me las vas a paga! you'll pay for this!
    verbo intransitivo (Com, Fin) to pay;
    paga f (sueldo) wages (de un niño) pocket money
    paga extra, bonus ➣ Ver nota en salario
    pagar verbo transitivo
    1 (abonar) to pay: puedes pagarlo a plazos o al contado, you can pay for it in instalments or in cash
    2 (recompensar) to repay: no sé cómo pagarte este favor, I don't know how I can repay you for this favour
    3 (expiar) to pay for: tendrás que pagar tu crimen, you must pay for your crime figurado ¡me las pagarás!, you'll pay for this!
    II verbo intransitivo
    1 (abonar) ¿puedo pagar con tarjeta?, can I pay by card?
    2 pagarás por tu intransigencia, you'll pay for your intransigence ' paga' also found in these entries: Spanish: asignación - extra - extraordinaria - extraordinario - salario - aguinaldo English: behave - going - half-pay - monthly - pay - pay packet - protection money - publicity - rate - lump - spot - wage

    English-spanish dictionary > paga

  • 4 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 5 Creativity

       Put in this bald way, these aims sound utopian. How utopian they areor rather, how imminent their realization-depends on how broadly or narrowly we interpret the term "creative." If we are willing to regard all human complex problem solving as creative, then-as we will point out-successful programs for problem solving mechanisms that simulate human problem solvers already exist, and a number of their general characteristics are known. If we reserve the term "creative" for activities like discovery of the special theory of relativity or the composition of Beethoven's Seventh Symphony, then no example of a creative mechanism exists at the present time. (Simon, 1979, pp. 144-145)
       Among the questions that can now be given preliminary answers in computational terms are the following: how can ideas from very different sources be spontaneously thought of together? how can two ideas be merged to produce a new structure, which shows the influence of both ancestor ideas without being a mere "cut-and-paste" combination? how can the mind be "primed," so that one will more easily notice serendipitous ideas? why may someone notice-and remember-something fairly uninteresting, if it occurs in an interesting context? how can a brief phrase conjure up an entire melody from memory? and how can we accept two ideas as similar ("love" and "prove" as rhyming, for instance) in respect of a feature not identical in both? The features of connectionist AI models that suggest answers to these questions are their powers of pattern completion, graceful degradation, sensitization, multiple constraint satisfaction, and "best-fit" equilibration.... Here, the important point is that the unconscious, "insightful," associative aspects of creativity can be explained-in outline, at least-by AI methods. (Boden, 1996, p. 273)
       There thus appears to be an underlying similarity in the process involved in creative innovation and social independence, with common traits and postures required for expression of both behaviors. The difference is one of product-literary, musical, artistic, theoretical products on the one hand, opinions on the other-rather than one of process. In both instances the individual must believe that his perceptions are meaningful and valid and be willing to rely upon his own interpretations. He must trust himself sufficiently that even when persons express opinions counter to his own he can proceed on the basis of his own perceptions and convictions. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 58)
       he average level of ego strength and emotional stability is noticeably higher among creative geniuses than among the general population, though it is possibly lower than among men of comparable intelligence and education who go into administrative and similar positions. High anxiety and excitability appear common (e.g. Priestley, Darwin, Kepler) but full-blown neurosis is quite rare. (Cattell & Butcher, 1970, p. 315)
       he insight that is supposed to be required for such work as discovery turns out to be synonymous with the familiar process of recognition; and other terms commonly used in the discussion of creative work-such terms as "judgment," "creativity," or even "genius"-appear to be wholly dispensable or to be definable, as insight is, in terms of mundane and well-understood concepts. (Simon, 1989, p. 376)
       From the sketch material still in existence, from the condition of the fragments, and from the autographs themselves we can draw definite conclusions about Mozart's creative process. To invent musical ideas he did not need any stimulation; they came to his mind "ready-made" and in polished form. In contrast to Beethoven, who made numerous attempts at shaping his musical ideas until he found the definitive formulation of a theme, Mozart's first inspiration has the stamp of finality. Any Mozart theme has completeness and unity; as a phenomenon it is a Gestalt. (Herzmann, 1964, p. 28)
       Great artists enlarge the limits of one's perception. Looking at the world through the eyes of Rembrandt or Tolstoy makes one able to perceive aspects of truth about the world which one could not have achieved without their aid. Freud believed that science was adaptive because it facilitated mastery of the external world; but was it not the case that many scientific theories, like works of art, also originated in phantasy? Certainly, reading accounts of scientific discovery by men of the calibre of Einstein compelled me to conclude that phantasy was not merely escapist, but a way of reaching new insights concerning the nature of reality. Scientific hypotheses require proof; works of art do not. Both are concerned with creating order, with making sense out of the world and our experience of it. (Storr, 1993, p. xii)
       The importance of self-esteem for creative expression appears to be almost beyond disproof. Without a high regard for himself the individual who is working in the frontiers of his field cannot trust himself to discriminate between the trivial and the significant. Without trust in his own powers the person seeking improved solutions or alternative theories has no basis for distinguishing the significant and profound innovation from the one that is merely different.... An essential component of the creative process, whether it be analysis, synthesis, or the development of a new perspective or more comprehensive theory, is the conviction that one's judgment in interpreting the events is to be trusted. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 59)
       In the daily stream of thought these four different stages [preparation; incubation; illumination or inspiration; and verification] constantly overlap each other as we explore different problems. An economist reading a Blue Book, a physiologist watching an experiment, or a business man going through his morning's letters, may at the same time be "incubating" on a problem which he proposed to himself a few days ago, be accumulating knowledge in "preparation" for a second problem, and be "verifying" his conclusions to a third problem. Even in exploring the same problem, the mind may be unconsciously incubating on one aspect of it, while it is consciously employed in preparing for or verifying another aspect. (Wallas, 1926, p. 81)
       he basic, bisociative pattern of the creative synthesis [is] the sudden interlocking of two previously unrelated skills, or matrices of thought. (Koestler, 1964, p. 121)
        11) The Earliest Stages in the Creative Process Involve a Commerce with Disorder
       Even to the creator himself, the earliest effort may seem to involve a commerce with disorder. For the creative order, which is an extension of life, is not an elaboration of the established, but a movement beyond the established, or at least a reorganization of it and often of elements not included in it. The first need is therefore to transcend the old order. Before any new order can be defined, the absolute power of the established, the hold upon us of what we know and are, must be broken. New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive that world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." (Ghiselin, 1985, p. 4)
       New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive our world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." Chaos and disorder are perhaps the wrong terms for that indeterminate fullness and activity of the inner life. For it is organic, dynamic, full of tension and tendency. What is absent from it, except in the decisive act of creation, is determination, fixity, and commitment to one resolution or another of the whole complex of its tensions. (Ghiselin, 1952, p. 13)
       [P]sychoanalysts have principally been concerned with the content of creative products, and with explaining content in terms of the artist's infantile past. They have paid less attention to examining why the artist chooses his particular activity to express, abreact or sublimate his emotions. In short, they have not made much distinction between art and neurosis; and, since the former is one of the blessings of mankind, whereas the latter is one of the curses, it seems a pity that they should not be better differentiated....
       Psychoanalysis, being fundamentally concerned with drive and motive, might have been expected to throw more light upon what impels the creative person that in fact it has. (Storr, 1993, pp. xvii, 3)
       A number of theoretical approaches were considered. Associative theory, as developed by Mednick (1962), gained some empirical support from the apparent validity of the Remote Associates Test, which was constructed on the basis of the theory.... Koestler's (1964) bisociative theory allows more complexity to mental organization than Mednick's associative theory, and postulates "associative contexts" or "frames of reference." He proposed that normal, non-creative, thought proceeds within particular contexts or frames and that the creative act involves linking together previously unconnected frames.... Simonton (1988) has developed associative notions further and explored the mathematical consequences of chance permutation of ideas....
       Like Koestler, Gruber (1980; Gruber and Davis, 1988) has based his analysis on case studies. He has focused especially on Darwin's development of the theory of evolution. Using piagetian notions, such as assimilation and accommodation, Gruber shows how Darwin's system of ideas changed very slowly over a period of many years. "Moments of insight," in Gruber's analysis, were the culminations of slow long-term processes.... Finally, the information-processing approach, as represented by Simon (1966) and Langley et al. (1987), was considered.... [Simon] points out the importance of good problem representations, both to ensure search is in an appropriate problem space and to aid in developing heuristic evaluations of possible research directions.... The work of Langley et al. (1987) demonstrates how such search processes, realized in computer programs, can indeed discover many basic laws of science from tables of raw data.... Boden (1990a, 1994) has stressed the importance of restructuring the problem space in creative work to develop new genres and paradigms in the arts and sciences. (Gilhooly, 1996, pp. 243-244; emphasis in original)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Creativity

  • 6 Gillette, King Camp

    [br]
    b. 5 January 1855 Fond du Lac, Wisconsin, USA
    d. 9 July 1932 Los Angeles, California, USA
    [br]
    American inventor and manufacturer, inventor of the safety razor.
    [br]
    Gillette's formal education in Chicago was brought to an end when a disastrous fire destroyed all his father's possessions. Forced to fend for himself, he worked first in the hardware trade in Chicago and New York, then as a travelling salesman. Gillette inherited the family talent for invention, but found that his successful inventions barely paid for those that failed. He was advised by a previous employer, William Painter (inventor of the Crown Cork), to look around for something that could be used widely and then thrown away. In 1895 he succeeded in following that advice of inventing something which people could use and then throw away, so that they would keep coming back for more. An idea came to him while he was honing an old-fashioned razor one morning; he was struck by the fact that only a short piece of the whole length of a cutthroat razor is actually used for shaving, as well as by the potentially dangerous nature of the implement. He "rushed out to purchase some pieces of brass, some steel ribbon used for clock springs, a small hand vise and some files". He thought of using a thin steel blade sharpened on each side, placed between two plates and held firmly together by a handle. Though coming from a family of inventors, Gillette had no formal technical education and was entirely ignorant of metallurgy. For six years he sought a way of making a cheap blade from sheet steel that could be hardened, tempered and sharpened to a keen edge.
    Gillette eventually found financial supporters: Henry Sachs, a Boston lamp manufacturer; his brother-in-law Jacob Heilbron; and William Nickerson, who had a considerable talent for invention. By skilled trial and error rather than expert metallurgical knowledge, Nickerson devised ways of forming and sharpening the blades, and it was these that brought commercial success. In 1901, the American Safety Razor Company, later to be renamed the Gillette Safety Razor Company, was set up. When it started production in 1903 the company was badly in debt, and managed to sell only fifty-one razors and 168 blades; but by the end of the following year, 90,000 razors and 12.4 million blades had been sold. A sound invention coupled with shrewd promotion ensured further success, and eight plants manufacturing safety razors were established in various parts of the world. Gillette's business experiences led him into the realms of social theory about the way society should be organized. He formulated his views in a series of books published over the years 1894 to 1910. He believed that competition led to a waste of up to 90 per cent of human effort and that want and crime would be eliminated by substituting a giant trust to plan production centrally. Unfortunately, the public in America, or anywhere else for that matter, were not ready for this form of Utopia; no omniscient planners were available, and human wants and needs were too various to be supplied by a single agency. Even so, some of his ideas have found favour: air conditioning and government provision of work for the unemployed. Gillette made a fortune from his invention and retired from active participation in the business in 1913, although he remained President until 1931 and Director until his death.
    [br]
    Bibliography
    "Origin of the Gillette razor", Gillette Blade (February/March).
    Further Reading
    Obituary, 1932, New York Times (11 July).
    J.Jewkes, D.Sawers and R.Stillerman, 1958, The Sources of Invention, London: Macmillan.
    LRD / IMcN

    Biographical history of technology > Gillette, King Camp

  • 7 fair

    I noun
    1) (gathering) Markt, der; (with shows, merry-go-rounds) Jahrmarkt, der
    2) see academic.ru/29895/funfair">funfair
    3) (exhibition) Messe, die

    antiques/book/trade fair — Antiquitäten- / Buch- / Handelsmesse, die

    II 1. adjective
    1) (just) gerecht; begründet [Beschwerde, Annahme]; berechtigt [Frage]; fair [Spiel, Kampf, Prozess, Preis, Handel]; (representative) typisch, markant [Beispiel, Kostprobe]

    be fair with or to somebody — gerecht gegen jemanden od. zu jemandem sein

    it's only fair to do something/for somebody to do something — es ist nur recht und billig, etwas zu tun/dass jemand etwas tut

    fair enough! — (coll.) dagegen ist nichts einzuwenden; (OK) na gut

    all's fair in love and war — in der Liebe und im Krieg ist alles erlaubt

    fair play — Fairness, die

    2) (not bad, pretty good) ganz gut [Bilanz, Vorstellung, Anzahl, Kenntnisse, Chance]; ziemlich [Maß, Geschwindigkeit]
    3) (favourable) schön [Wetter, Tag, Abend]; günstig [Wetterlage, Wind]; heiter [Wetter, Tag]
    4) (blond) blond [Haar, Person]; (not dark) hell [Teint, Haut]; hellhäutig [Person]
    5) (poet. or literary): (beautiful) hold (dichter. veralt.) [Maid, Prinz, Gesicht]
    2. adverb
    1) fair [kämpfen, spielen]; gerecht [behandeln]
    2) (coll.): (completely) völlig

    the sight fair took my breath away — der Anblick hat mir glatt (ugs.) den Atem verschlagen

    3)

    fair and square — (honestly) offen und ehrlich; (accurately) voll, genau [schlagen, treffen]

    3. noun

    fair's fair — (coll.) Gerechtigkeit muss sein

    * * *
    I [feə] adjective
    1) (light-coloured; with light-coloured hair and skin: fair hair; Scandinavian people are often fair.) hell
    2) (just; not favouring one side: a fair test.) gerecht
    3) ((of weather) fine; without rain: a fair afternoon.) schön
    4) (quite good; neither bad nor good: Her work is only fair.) recht gut
    5) (quite big, long etc: a fair size.) ansehnlich
    6) (beautiful: a fair maiden.) hübsch
    •
    - fairness
    - fairly
    - fair play     II [feə] noun
    1) (a collection of entertainments that travels from town to town: She won a large doll at the fair.) der Jahrmarkt
    2) (a large market held at fixed times: A fair is held here every spring.) der Markt
    3) (an exhibition of goods from different countries, firms etc: a trade fair.) die Messe
    * * *
    fair1
    [feəʳ, AM fer]
    I. adj
    you're not being \fair das ist unfair
    the point she's making is a \fair one ihr Einwand ist berechtigt
    to be \fair, he didn't have much time zugegeben, er hatte nicht viel Zeit, er hatte zugegebenermaßen nicht viel Zeit
    [that's] \fair enough! ( fam: approved) na schön! fam, o.k.! fam; (agreed) dagegen ist nichts einzuwenden! fam
    that seems \fair enough to me ( fam) das halte ich nur für recht und billig
    it's a \fair enough comment to make ( fam) der Einwand ist durchaus berechtigt
    \fair contest fairer Wettbewerb
    \fair dealing FIN geordneter Effektenhandel fachspr; of photocopies Zulässigkeit f der Vervielfältigung zum persönlichen Gebrauch fachspr
    \fair dealing [or trading] COMM, ECON lauterer Wettbewerb fachspr
    \fair price annehmbarer [o fairer] Preis
    \fair question berechtigte Frage
    \fair use LAW legaler Nachdruck fachspr
    \fair wage angemessener Lohn
    it's only \fair that/to... es ist nur recht und billig, dass/zu...
    it's \fair to say that... man kann [wohl] sagen, dass...
    ▪ to be \fair with sb sich akk jdm gegenüber fair verhalten
    ▪ to not be \fair on sb jdm gegenüber nicht fair sein
    2. (just, impartial) gerecht, fair
    you're not being \fair das ist ungerecht [o unfair]
    a \fair deal/trial ein fairer Handel/Prozess
    a \fair hearing eine faire Anhörung
    to get one's \fair share seinen Anteil bekommen, bekommen, was einem zusteht
    to not get one's \fair share zu kurz kommen
    Fred's had more than his \fair share of trouble Fred hat mehr als genug Ärger gehabt
    ▪ to be \fair to/towards sb jdm gegenüber gerecht [o fair] sein, gerecht gegen jdn sein
    ▪ to be \fair with sb gerecht [o fair] zu jdm sein, jdn gerecht [o fair] behandeln
    3. attr, inv (large) ziemlich fam
    we've had a \fair amount of rain es hat ziemlich viel geregnet
    there's still a \fair bit of work to do es gibt noch einiges zu tun
    a \fair number of people ziemlich viele Leute
    to be a \fair size/weight ziemlich groß/schwer sein
    4. attr, inv (good) ziemlich [o ganz] [o recht] gut
    she's got a \fair chance of winning this year ihre Gewinnchancen stehen dieses Jahr ziemlich gut
    there's a \fair prospect of... es sieht ganz so aus, als ob...
    to have a \fair idea of sth sich dat etw [recht gut] vorstellen können
    to have a \fair idea that... sich dat ziemlich sicher sein, dass...
    5. pred, inv (average) mittelmäßig usu pej
    to be \fair to middling ( fam) so lala sein fam
    6. (blond) blond; (pale) skin hell; person hellhäutig
    to have a \fair complexion einen hellen Teint haben
    to have \fair hair blond sein
    7. (favourable) weather schön; wind günstig; ( fig)
    everything seems set \fair BRIT alles scheint gut zu laufen
    8. ( old: beautiful) liebreizend veraltend geh, schön
    mirror, mirror on the wall, who is the \fairest of them all? Spieglein, Spieglein an der Wand, wer ist die Schönste im ganzen Land?
    to do sth with one's own \fair hand esp BRIT ( hum) etw mit eigenen Händen tun
    to sign a letter with one's own \fair hand einen Brief eigenhändig unterschreiben
    the \fair[er] sex ( dated or hum) das schöne Geschlecht hum fam
    9.
    ▶ it's a \fair cop esp BRIT [oh je], jetzt hat's mich erwischt! fam
    ▶ \fair dinkum AUS ( fam) echt [wahr] fam
    ▶ to give sb a \fair crack of the whip [or AM also a \fair shake] ( fam) jdm eine faire Chance geben
    ▶ \fair go AUS sei/seid fair
    ▶ by \fair means or foul koste es, was es wolle
    ▶ \fair's \fair, BRIT\fair dos ( fam) sei/seid [doch] fair
    \fair's \fair, it was your idea after all ( fam) du musst [fairerweise] zugeben, es war deine Idee
    \fair dos, we've all paid the same money BRIT ( fam) gleiches Recht für alle, wir haben [immerhin] alle gleich viel bezahlt
    II. adv
    1. (according to rules)
    to play \fair fair sein; SPORT fair spielen
    2. DIAL (quite) ganz schön fam
    it \fair struck me speechless es hat mir glatt die Sprache verschlagen fam
    3.
    ▶ \fair old... ( dated fam) ziemlich fam, ganz schön fam
    he made a \fair old mess of it er machte alles nur noch schlimmer
    that machine makes a \fair old noise diese Maschine macht vielleicht einen Lärm
    ▶ \fair and square (clearly) [ganz] klar; BRIT, AUS (accurately) genau, voll
    I told them \fair and square that... ich sagte ihnen klar und deutlich, dass...
    he hit me \fair and square on the nose er schlug mir voll auf die Nase
    fair2
    [feəʳ, AM fer]
    n
    1. (funfair) Jahrmarkt m, Rummelplatz m, Rummel m DIAL, BES NORDD, Messe f SCHWEIZ, Chilbi f SCHWEIZ fam
    2. (trade, industry) Messe f; (agriculture) [Vieh]markt m
    autumn \fair Herbstmesse f
    the Bristol Antiques F\fair die Antiquitätenmesse von Bristol
    a county/state \fair AM ein Markt in einem US-County/US-Bundesstaat
    a local craft \fair ein Kunsthandwerkmarkt m
    the Frankfurt [Book] F\fair die Frankfurter Buchmesse
    trade \fair Messe f
    * * *
    I [fɛə(r)]
    1. adj (+er)
    1) (= just) person, fight, game, player, competition, price fair (to or on sb jdm gegenüber, gegen jdn); trial, conclusion gerecht

    he tried to be fair to everybody — er versuchte, allen gegenüber gerecht zu sein or (give everybody their due) allen gerecht zu werden

    that is a ( very) fair point or comment — das lässt sich (natürlich) nicht abstreiten

    it is fair to say that... — man kann wohl sagen, dass...

    to be fair,... —

    it's only fair for her to earn more than us — es ist doch nur gerecht or fair, dass sie mehr verdient als wir

    it's only fair to ask him/to give him a hand — man sollte ihn fairerweise fragen/ihm fairerweise helfen

    it's only fair to expect... — man kann doch wohl zu Recht erwarten,...

    fair enough! — na schön or gut, in Ordnung

    by fair means or foul — mit allen Mitteln, egal wie (inf)

    2) (= quite considerable) sum ziemlich groß
    3) (= reasonable, shrewd) guess, assessment, idea ziemlich gut

    he's a fair judge of character —

    I had a pretty fair idea of the answer to the question — ich wusste ziemlich genau, was die Antwort auf diese Frage war

    I've a fair idea that he's going to resign — ich bin mir ziemlich sicher, dass er zurücktreten wird

    it's a fair guess that he'll never agree — man kann ziemlich sicher annehmen, dass er nie zustimmen wird

    that's a fair sample of... — das ist ziemlich typisch für...

    4) (= average) mittelmäßig

    how are you? – fair to middling (Brit) — wie gehts dir? – mittelprächtig (inf) or so einigermaßen

    5) (= fair-haired) person, hair blond; (= fair-skinned) person hellhäutig; skin hell
    6) (old, poet: lovely) person hold (dated); place schön
    7) (= fine and dry) weather heiter, schön
    2. adv
    1)

    to play fair — fair sein; (Sport) fair spielen

    See:
    → also fair play
    2)
    3) (dial: pretty well) ganz schön (inf), vielleicht (inf)
    II
    n
    (Jahr)markt m; (= funfair) Volksfest nt; (COMM) Messe f
    * * *
    fair1 [feə(r)]
    A adj (adv → fairly)
    1. schön, hübsch, nett: → sex A 2
    2. a) hell (Haut, Haar, Teint), blond (Haar), zart (Teint, Haut)
    b) hellhäutig
    3. rein, sauber, makellos, unbescholten:
    fair name guter Ruf
    4. schön, gefällig:
    give sb fair words jemanden mit schönen Worten abspeisen
    5. klar, heiter (Himmel), schön, trocken (Wetter, Tag):
    set fair beständig
    6. rein, klar (Wasser, Luft)
    7. sauber, deutlich, leserlich: → copy A 1
    8. frei, offen, ungehindert (Aussicht etc):
    a) jagdbares Wild,
    b) fig Freiwild n;
    9. günstig, aussichtsreich, vielversprechend:
    fair chance reelle Chance; → way1 Bes Redew
    10. (ganz) schön, ansehnlich, nett umg (Summe etc)
    11. anständig:
    a) besonders SPORT fair
    b) ehrlich, offen, aufrichtig ( alle:
    with gegen)
    c) unparteiisch, gerecht:
    fair and square offen und ehrlich, anständig;
    by fair means auf ehrliche Weise;
    a) so oder so,
    b) mit allen Mitteln;
    be fair (Redew) fairerweise;
    that’s only fair das ist nur recht und billig;
    fair is fair Gerechtigkeit muss sein;
    fair competition WIRTSCH redlicher Wettbewerb;
    all’s fair in love and war (Sprichwort) im Krieg und in der Liebe ist alles erlaubt; → comment A 1 b, play A 3, warning A 1
    12. leidlich, ziemlich oder einigermaßen gut:
    be a fair judge of ein ziemlich gutes Urteil abgeben können über (akk);
    fair business leidlich gute Geschäfte;
    pretty fair nicht übel, recht oder ziemlich gut; → middling A 1
    13. angemessen (Lohn, Preis etc)
    14. typisch (Beispiel)
    15. berechtigt:
    fair question! gute Frage!
    B adv
    1. schön, gut, freundlich, höflich:
    speak sb fair jemandem schöne oder freundliche Worte sagen
    2. rein, sauber, leserlich:
    write ( oder copy) out fair ins Reine schreiben
    3. günstig (nur noch in):
    a) sich gut anlassen, zu Hoffnungen berechtigen,
    b) (gute) Aussicht haben, versprechen ( to be zu sein);
    bid fair to succeed gute Erfolgsaussichten haben;
    the wind sits fair SCHIFF der Wind ist günstig
    4. anständig, fair:
    play fair fair spielen, a. fig sich an die Spielregeln halten
    5. unparteiisch, gerecht
    6. aufrichtig, offen, ehrlich:
    fair and square offen und ehrlich
    7. auf gutem Fuß ( with mit):
    keep ( oder stand) fair with sb gut mit jemandem stehen
    8. direkt, genau:
    fair in the face mitten ins Gesicht
    9. völlig:
    the question caught him fair off his guard die Frage traf ihn völlig unvorbereitet
    10. Aus ganz schön:
    C s obs Schönheit f (auch Frau)
    D v/t
    1. TECH glätten, zurichten:
    fair into einpassen in (akk)
    2. ein Flugzeug etc verkleiden
    E v/i auch fair off, fair up dial sich aufheitern (Wetter)
    fair2 [feə(r)] s
    1. a) Jahrmarkt m
    b) Volksfest n:
    at the fair auf dem Jahrmarkt;
    (a day) after the fair fig (einen Tag) zu spät
    2. Ausstellung f, Messe f:
    at the fair auf der Messe
    3. Basar m
    * * *
    I noun
    1) (gathering) Markt, der; (with shows, merry-go-rounds) Jahrmarkt, der
    3) (exhibition) Messe, die

    antiques/book/trade fair — Antiquitäten- / Buch- / Handelsmesse, die

    II 1. adjective
    1) (just) gerecht; begründet [Beschwerde, Annahme]; berechtigt [Frage]; fair [Spiel, Kampf, Prozess, Preis, Handel]; (representative) typisch, markant [Beispiel, Kostprobe]

    be fair with or to somebody — gerecht gegen jemanden od. zu jemandem sein

    it's only fair to do something/for somebody to do something — es ist nur recht und billig, etwas zu tun/dass jemand etwas tut

    fair enough! — (coll.) dagegen ist nichts einzuwenden; (OK) na gut

    fair play — Fairness, die

    2) (not bad, pretty good) ganz gut [Bilanz, Vorstellung, Anzahl, Kenntnisse, Chance]; ziemlich [Maß, Geschwindigkeit]
    3) (favourable) schön [Wetter, Tag, Abend]; günstig [Wetterlage, Wind]; heiter [Wetter, Tag]
    4) (blond) blond [Haar, Person]; (not dark) hell [Teint, Haut]; hellhäutig [Person]
    5) (poet. or literary): (beautiful) hold (dichter. veralt.) [Maid, Prinz, Gesicht]
    2. adverb
    1) fair [kämpfen, spielen]; gerecht [behandeln]
    2) (coll.): (completely) völlig
    3)

    fair and square — (honestly) offen und ehrlich; (accurately) voll, genau [schlagen, treffen]

    3. noun

    fair's fair — (coll.) Gerechtigkeit muss sein

    * * *
    adj.
    angemessen adj.
    blond adj.
    fair adj.
    gerecht adj.
    mittelmäßig adj.
    ordentlich adj.
    partnerschaftlich adj. n.
    Jahrmarkt m.

    English-german dictionary > fair

  • 8 value

    I ['væljuː] n
    1) ценность, важность, полезность

    He had nothing of value to say. — Он не располагал никакой дельной информацией.

    You'll find this instrument of value. — Этот инструмент будет вам полезен.

    I don't take people at their face value. — Я не сужу о людях по первому впечатлению.

    - entertainment value
    - insurance value
    - value of the exercise
    - articles of value
    - attach great value to smth
    - be of value
    - have of little value
    - be of no value
    - be of great archeological value
    - have a great strategic value
    - put a great value on smth
    - attach much value to smth
    - place a high value on human life
    - realize the value of education
    - belittle the value of facts
    2) значение (сова), смысл (слова)
    - value of the word
    - discovery of great value
    - acquire value
    3) ценность, стоимость, достоинство (в денежном выражении)

    They paid him the value of his lost property. — Они возместили ему стоимость его пропавшего имущества.

    Most customers are looking for value for their money rather than cutting-edge fashion. — Большинство потребителей ищут то, что стоит уплаченных ими денег, а не гонятся за последней модой.

    - surplus value
    - exchange value
    - cash value
    - booked value
    - face value
    - fair value
    - intrinsic value
    - market value
    - present value
    - token value
    - current values
    - declared value
    - commercial value
    - value of gold
    - true value of the building
    - real value of the coin
    - contract value of the goods
    - stamps of varying value
    - at face value
    - at a certain value
    - under value
    - place a value on smth
    - buy smth for less than its real value
    - receive good value for your money
    - market value goes down
    - actress has high box-office value
    4) величина, значение

    равна.../икс

    равен...

    - absolute value
    - low survival value
    - value of X
    - value of the note
    5) (только pl) ценности
    - enduring values
    - Victorian values
    - sense of values
    - cherish values     II ['væljuː] v
    1) дорожить, ценить, быть высокого мнения, отдавать должное

    He seems not to value his life at all. — Он, по-видимому, свою жизнь ни во что не ставит.

    - value smth
    - value honour
    - value smb's friendship
    2) оценивать, производить оценку, устанавливать цену (в денежном эквиваленте)

    I want to have this jewel valued. — Мне надо оценить этот драгоценный камень.

    - value smth at a certain sum of money
    - value a house at $10000

    English-Russian combinatory dictionary > value

  • 9 question

    question ['kwestʃən]
    question ⇒ 1 (a), 1 (b), 1 (d), 1 (e) doute ⇒ 1 (c) interroger ⇒ 2 (a) mettre en doute ⇒ 2 (b)
    1 noun
    (a) (query) question f;
    ∎ to ask sb a question poser une question à qn;
    ∎ I wish to put a question to the chairman j'aimerais poser une question au président;
    ∎ Parliament to put down a question for sb adresser une interpellation à qn;
    ∎ you haven't answered my question vous n'avez pas répondu à ma question;
    ∎ they obeyed without question ils ont obéi sans poser de questions;
    ∎ a question and answer session une séance questions-réponses;
    ∎ what a question! quelle question!;
    ∎ Grammar direct/indirect question interrogation f directe/indirecte;
    ∎ British Parliament (Prime Minister's) Question Time, Prime Minister's Questions = session hebdomadaire du Parlement britannique réservée aux questions des députés au Premier ministre
    (b) (matter, issue) question f; (problem) problème m;
    ∎ her article raises some important questions son article soulève d'importantes questions ou d'importants problèmes;
    ∎ it raises the question of how much teachers should be paid cela soulève ou pose le problème du salaire des enseignants;
    ∎ the place/time in question le lieu/l'heure en question;
    ∎ the person in question is away at the moment la personne en question est absente en ce moment;
    ∎ the Jewish question la question juive;
    ∎ the question is, will he do it? toute la question est de savoir s'il le fera;
    ∎ that is the question voilà la question;
    ∎ that's another or a different question c'est une autre histoire;
    ∎ but that's not the question, that's beside the question mais là n'est pas la question, il ne s'agit pas de cela;
    ∎ it's not a question of who's right la question n'est pas de savoir qui a raison;
    ∎ it's a question of how much you want to spend tout dépend de la somme que vous voulez mettre;
    ∎ it's only a question of money/time ce n'est qu'une question d'argent/de temps;
    ∎ it's only a question of time before it happens ça arrivera tôt ou tard
    (c) (UNCOUNT) (doubt) doute m;
    ∎ there's no question about it, he was murdered il a été assassiné, cela ne fait aucun doute;
    ∎ his honesty was never in question son honnêteté n'a jamais été mise en doute ou remise en question;
    ∎ to bring or to call sth into question remettre qch en question;
    ∎ she is without or beyond question the best elle est incontestablement la meilleure;
    ∎ they know beyond question where their interests lie ils savent parfaitement (bien) où est leur intérêt;
    ∎ whether they are happier now is open to question sont-ils plus heureux maintenant? on peut se le demander;
    ∎ the wisdom of this decision is open to question le bien-fondé de la décision est discutable
    ∎ there was some question of… il a été question de…;
    ∎ there's no question of our making the same mistake again nous ne sommes pas près de refaire la même erreur;
    ∎ there is no question of going back now il n'est pas question de revenir en arrière;
    ∎ there's no question of his coming with us, it's out of the question that he should come with us il est hors de question qu'il vienne avec nous;
    ∎ there was never any question of his coming with us il n'a jamais été question qu'il nous accompagne;
    ∎ I'm sorry, you can't go, it's out of the question! je regrette, vous ne pouvez pas y aller, c'est hors de question!
    ∎ to put sb to the question (torture) mettre qn à la question, appliquer la question à qn
    (a) (interrogate) interroger, poser des questions à; (of police) interroger; School interroger; Marketing (consumer) interroger;
    ∎ to be questioned être interrogé; (suspect) subir un interrogatoire;
    ∎ the people questioned in the survey les personnes interrogées dans le cadre du sondage;
    ∎ she was questioned on her views on l'a interrogée sur ses opinions
    (b) (doubt → motives, honesty, wisdom) mettre en doute, mettre en question; (→ statement, claim) mettre en doute, contester;
    ∎ nobody is questioning your motives personne ne met en doute ou en question vos motivations;
    ∎ I questioned whether it was wise to continue je me suis demandé s'il était bien sage de continuer
    ►► Grammar question form forme f interrogative;
    question mark (punctuation mark) point m d'interrogation; Marketing (product) point m d'interrogation, dilemme m;
    ∎ figurative a question mark hangs over the future of this country il est impossible de prédire quel sort attend ce pays ou sera réservé à ce pays;
    ∎ there is a question mark over her reasons for leaving on ignore les raisons qui l'ont poussée à partir;
    question master meneur(euse) m,f de jeu; Radio & Television animateur(trice) m,f (d'un jeu);
    Linguistics question tag question tag m, = tournure interrogative en fin de phrase, équivalent du "n'est-ce pas" français
    ✾ Book 'A Question of Upbringing' Powell 'Une Question d'éducation'

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > question

  • 10 Bessemer, Sir Henry

    SUBJECT AREA: Metallurgy
    [br]
    b. 19 January 1813 Charlton (near Hitchin), Hertfordshire, England
    d. 15 January 1898 Denmark Hill, London, England
    [br]
    English inventor of the Bessemer steelmaking process.
    [br]
    The most valuable part of Bessemer's education took place in the workshop of his inventor father. At the age of only 17 he went to London to seek his fortune and set himself up in the trade of casting art works in white metal. He went on to the embossing of metals and other materials and this led to his first major invention, whereby a date was incorporated in the die for embossing seals, thus preventing the wholesale forgeries that had previously been committed. For this, a grateful Government promised Bessemer a paid position, a promise that was never kept; recognition came only in 1879 with a belated knighthood. Bessemer turned to other inventions, mainly in metalworking, including a process for making bronze powder and gold paint. After he had overcome technical problems, the process became highly profitable, earning him a considerable income during the forty years it was in use.
    The Crimean War presented inventors such as Bessemer with a challenge when weaknesses in the iron used to make the cannon became apparent. In 1856, at his Baxter House premises in St Paneras, London, he tried fusing cast iron with steel. Noticing the effect of an air current on the molten mixture, he constructed a reaction vessel or converter in which air was blown through molten cast iron. There was a vigorous reaction which nearly burned the house down, and Bessemer found the iron to be almost completely decarburized, without the slag threads always present in wrought iron. Bessemer had in fact invented not only a new process but a new material, mild steel. His paper "On the manufacture of malleable iron and steel without fuel" at the British Association meeting in Cheltenham later that year created a stir. Bessemer was courted by ironmasters to license the process. However, success was short-lived, for they found that phosphorus in the original iron ore passed into the metal and rendered it useless. By chance, Bessemer had used in his trials pig-iron, derived from haematite, a phosphorus-free ore. Bessemer tried hard to overcome the problem, but lacking chemical knowledge he resigned himself to limiting his process to this kind of pig-iron. This limitation was removed in 1879 by Sidney Gilchrist Thomas, who substituted a chemically basic lining in the converter in place of the acid lining used by Bessemer. This reacted with the phosphorus to form a substance that could be tapped off with the slag, leaving the steel free from this harmful element. Even so, the new material had begun to be applied in engineering, especially for railways. The open-hearth process developed by Siemens and the Martin brothers complemented rather than competed with Bessemer steel. The widespread use of the two processes had a revolutionary effect on mechanical and structural engineering and earned Bessemer around £1 million in royalties before the patents expired.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    Knighted 1879. FRS 1879. Royal Society of Arts Albert Gold Medal 1872.
    Bibliography
    1905, Sir Henry Bessemer FRS: An Autobiography, London.
    LRD

    Biographical history of technology > Bessemer, Sir Henry

  • 11 Sinclair, Sir Clive Maries

    [br]
    b. 30 July 1940
    [br]
    English electronic engineer and inventor.
    [br]
    The son of G.W.C.Sinclair, a machine tool engineer, the young Sinclair's education was disrupted by the failure of his father's business. Aged 12 he left Boxgrove preparatory school and went through twelve more schools before leaving St George's School, Weybridge, at the age of 17. His first job was as an editorial assistant on a hobbyist's magazine, Practical Wireless, and his next as an editor at Bernard Books, writing a series of technical manuals. In 1961 he registered Sinclair Radionics and in the following year announced its first product, a micro-amplifier. This was the first of a series of miniaturized radio products that he put on the market while retaining his editorial job. In 1972 he launched the Sinclair Executive calculator, selling originally at £79.95 but later at £24.95. In 1976, the Black Watch, an electronic watch with digital light-emitting diode (LED) display, was marketed, to be followed by the TV1A, a miniature television with a 2 in. (5 cm) monochrome screen. During the latter part of this period, Sinclair Radionics was supported by investment from the UK National Enterprise Board, who appointed an outside managing director; after making a considerable loss, they closed the company in 1979. However, Sinclair Electronics had already been set up and started to market the UK's first cheap computer kit, the MK 14, which was followed by the ZX 80 and later the ZX 81. Price was kept at a minimum by the extensive use of existing components, though this was a restriction on performance. The small memory was enhanced from one kilobyte to seventeen kilobytes with the addition of a separate memory unit. In January 1985 Sinclair produced the Sinclair C5, a small three-wheeled vehicle driven by a washing-machine engine, intended as a revolutionary new form of personal transport; perceived as unsafe and impractical, it did not prove popular, and the failure of this venture resulted in a contraction of Sinclair's business activities. Later in 1985, a rival electronics company, Amstrad, paid £35,000,000 for all rights to existing Sinclair computer products.
    In March 1992, the irrepressible Sinclair launched his latest brainchild, the Zike electric bicycle; a price of £499 was forecast. This machine, powered by an electric motor but with pedal assistance, had a top speed of 19 km/h (12 mph) and, on full power, would run for up to one hour. Its lightweight nickel-cadmium battery could be recharged either by a generator or by free-wheeling. Although more practical than the C5, it did not bring Sinclair success on the scale of his earlier micro-electronic products.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    Knighted 1983.
    Further Reading
    I.Adamson and R.Kennedy, 1986, Sinclair and the "Sunrise" Technology, Harmondsworth: Penguin.
    IMcN

    Biographical history of technology > Sinclair, Sir Clive Maries

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